On April 10, 2008 the citizens of the impoverished Himalayan country of Nepal voted for a 601-seat Constituent Assembly. This vote was unique in two ways, however. In the first place the Communist Party of Nepal, led by Pushpa Kamal Dehal, ( Prachanda), formed the Constituent Assembly with the centrist Nepali Congress Party, though the Maoists are the dominant force. Secondly, this Assembly voted, on May 28th to end the 239-year-old monarchy, and to declare the nation a republic. This massive change came with little turmoil, except for three deaths in the south, though security was high across the country. Kieran Dyer, a U.N. spokesman said that, “Clearly, there has been overwhelming enthusiasm on part of the people to come out and cast their vote.”
Recent Nepalese history did not point to this relatively peaceful outcome. In 1994 Prachanda and others formed the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) and in 1996 began an insurgency which, over the next ten years, cost 13,000 Nepalese their lives. A 2006 peace plan ended the insurgency, but did not end the rule of the unpopular King Gyanendra, who, though legally a constitutional monarch dismissed an elected government in 2002, and usurped complete power with the excuse of ending the Maoist rebellion. The peace plan forced Gyanendra to return power to the government and to accept the Communist Party as a legal political party.
One of the over-riding questions of the recent election is whether or not Nepal’s Communist Party will stay within the democratic system. Sam Taylor, in a National Post article of April 11th, quoted the party as stating that, if it felt cheated by the election results, it would fight again. The answer to that question may not be entirely within Prachanda’s power, however. Nepal, though a stunningly beautiful country, is starkly poor. Mainly agricultural, the country’s GDP is about $240.00 U.S. per person, per year, as of 2001. One of the ways out of poverty has been for Hindu men to apply to be a Gurkha soldier. For nearly 200 years, Gurkha units have been serving in both the British and Indian armies, but the competition to gain a position in the elite corps is very strong. Last year 17,500 applicants competed for 230 jobs in the British army. If the applicant is successful, however, economic remuneration is well worth the effort. Starting salary for a Gurkha private in the British army is $28,000 per annum, with the same pay scale and pension as any other British soldier. In addition, if a Gurkha soldier stays in the army for his complete working life, he will receive a British old-age pension, payable either in Britain, if he chooses to settle there, or in Nepal. Gurkhas also serve in smaller numbers in the Singapore security police and in the sultan of Brunei’s forces.
The recently-elected Maoists consider the Gurkhas’ overseas service to be “humiliating and mercenary.” Gurkha organizations agree, but argue that the economic realities in Nepal force men to look abroad to feed their families. Mahendra Lal Rai, the general secretary of the largest former Gurkha soldiers group, stated in an interview given to Krittivas Mukherjee of Reuters that, “Nothing stirs a Gurkha more than his honour dared, but here we are in a fix. We do feel like mercenaries fighting for foreign armies, but who can deny our economic reality, our compulsions? We are caught between pride and practicality.” The Maoists respond that opportunities will be given at home, so that there will be no need for British army recruitment centres in Nepal. These greater opportunities, say the Maoists, will also preclude the need for Gurkha units to join the Indian army. Baburam Bhattarai, a Maoist leader, told Krittivas Mukherjee of Reuters that, “Such obnoxious practice of your citizens joining foreign armies as mercenaries, this will be stopped. We will provide employment within our country. In no country this will be tolerated. Why in our country?”
The Gurkhas have become legendary for their combat skills, loyalty, and courage. Now they face a totally different battle, one fought with words, determination, and handouts. The Maoists will have to unite the nation and make significant economic progress in developing the country if they want to turn the tide of young people leaving the country. If they do not show marked progress in these areas, they may wake to the battle cry “Ayo Gurkhali” – The Gurkhas are coming.
