Until the year 2000, Zimbabwe was one of the most beautiful and richest nations in all of Africa. In that year Robert Mugabe, who had led the country since its independence in 1980, began to seize the land of white farmers on the excuse that he was freeing the country from British imperialism. After a short period of time the country was plunged into economic chaos which has only gotten worse. At present, Zimbabwe has gone from a net exporter of food to a situation where almost half of its people are malnourished, unemployment is rampant, and inflation is limitless. Discontent is evident among the population, but Robert Mugabe still maintains that the economic tailspin is the fault of western powers, particularly Britain, and still hangs on to the shreds of power.
The March 29th election at first appeared hopeful. The Movement for Democratic Change Party (MDC), led by Morgan Tsvangirai, won four out of the six parliamentary seats announced almost 36 hours after the polls closed. The remaining two were won by Mugabe’s ZANU-PF party. By March 31st Tsvangirai was claiming that there had been widespread vote-rigging, including the addition of a million “ghost voters” to the election list. The official results of the election have not yet been released and Mugabe is demanding a vote re-count, while the MDC party says that such a tactic is “absurd” as the results are still unofficial.
These antics are “pure Mugabe.” He was trained as a teacher, but made his name as a revolutionary hero in the 1970’s guerrilla war waged against white minority rule. His wartime success is the reason that many Zimbabwe leaders remain faithful to him, and he did begin his term well. He asked the minority white population to stay in Zimbabwe and to help build the new black-majority nation. However, as time moved on, Mugabe refused to move with it, hanging on to power by increasingly ruthless and brutal methods. Joseph Winter of the BBC News feels that Mugabe views Zimbabwe politics as: “the heroic socialist forces of ZANU-PF …still fighting the twin evils of capitalism and colonialism.” Critics are labeled as “traitors” and “sell-outs”, a left-over of the revolutionary struggle when such a brand could lead to death.
When Mugabe lost the 2000 referendum to change the constitution, he reacted by unleashing his personal militia, the “war veterans,” to terrorize and intimidate the populace with the aim of eliminating opposition and dissent. The method worked so well that state-sponsored repression, arbitrary arrest, torture, and attacks on the political opposition, the independent media, and human rights defenders have become increasingly common and brutal. Alex Kontos of Amnesty International, Canada, states in his September, 2006 article “Human Rights in Zimbabwe: Overview,” that Mugabe has introduced legislation, often using it selectively, to closely restrict the rights of association, assembly, and expression of the population. These rights are accepted as cornerstones of a democratic society, and are guaranteed in Zimbabwe’s Constitution and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights. In addition, Kontos names five existing pieces of legislation as the most controversial: the Broadcasting Services Act, the Public Order and Security Act, the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act, The Miscellaneous Offences Act, The Electoral Commission Act, The Private Voluntary Organizations Act, and the then unsigned Non-Governmental Organizations Act. These laws, and specific provisions within them, have been used to limit the options for open public debate, to muzzle those people who are perceived as critical of Mugabe’s policies, and to shield the ZANU-PF government from domestic and international examination. These secretive methods have been condemned by the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights.
Mugabe’s demand for a recount of last month’s vote is just another tactic to postpone the inevitable. Morgan Tsvangirai, speaking to CBC on April 6, 2008, said that, “What we know is that within 48 hours, you can ask for a recount, at the voting station. Now, in this case, the results have already been collected at all voting stations. So what kind of a recount are they talking about? It would not only be illegal, but it would be totally impractical to do so.” MDC said it did not want a run-off and will continue, by legal means, to force publication of the voting results. Those results that have been released have shown that Mugabe’s ZANU-PF party had lost control of the government; MDC had won 109 seats, while Mugabe had won 97. Simba Makoni, the third presidential candidate has announced that he will support Tsvangirai, ending any chance that Mugabe will be able to pick up support from any other nominee. The electoral act also seems to be against him. It states that, in the case of a presidential vote where none of the presidential candidates wins more than 50 per cent of the vote, a run-off must be held between the two candidates with the highest number of votes. This second round of voting must take place within 21 days of the first election, but Mugabe will not hold the second election until 90 days after the first. This decision could mean either that intimidations and beatings will occur again, as Mugabe fights for power, or he could finally fall as people sense his weakening hold on power and push him out.
Zimbabwe’s people also have to be considered. One of the few decent things that Mugabe has done with his time in power has been to make education much more available to the populace. Zimbabwe has the highest literacy rate in Africa, 90 per cent. Increased education has given people employment skills and the ability to read and critique. Though they are threatened, brutalized and manipulated, they are fed up with the outrageous inflation and the devastating unemployment rate. When people are pushed too hard, they fight back. The fact that, as one observer noted, the “silence is deafening” in the streets, may very well be the calm before the storm.
Finally, it is important to consider Mugabe, himself. He is 84, and though he appears fairly fit, he is ageing. Several African countries and well-known international figures, most notably Bishop Tutu of South Africa, have urged him to retire. Organizations, such Amnesty International, have urged him to be restrained in this crisis, but when everything is considered, it is the man, himself, who has to make the decision to go.
UPDATE: On April 11th Robert Mugabe withdrew from a regional summit dealing with his country’s post-election crisis and banned all political rallies. He also deployed riot police in the capital, Harare. Reaction has come from the U.S., Ban Ki-moon, chief of the United Nations, and Morgan Tsvangirai. Tsvangirai has publically called on Mugabe to quit, stating: “He should recognize that he has lost and let me get on with making our great country great once more.” It is Tsvangirai who is attending the 14-nation Southern African Development Community (SADC) meeting that convened in Lusaka on Saturday.
FURTHER UPDATE: On May 11th, Morgan Tsvangirai announced that he would challenge Mugabe in a second run-off presidential election. There are fears of growing violence and concerns that Mugabe will rig the upcoming election, which must be held by May 24th.
